Why 2013 Will Be the Worst Year Ever for China Tech

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Why 2013 Will Be the Worst Year Ever for China Tech

Clipped from: http://www.techinasia.com/2013-worst-year-china-tech/

Why 2013 Will Be the Worst Year Ever for China Tech

Dec 25, 2012 at 15:00 PM by C. Custer, in Opinion

Discussion:     2

Amidst all the 2012 in review madness, I thought it might be fun to turn our eyes to the future for a moment and make some predictions about what’s coming in 2013. Well, “fun” is a relative term. Call me a pessimist, but I think 2013 is going to be the worst year ever for China’s tech industry. Why?

Internet censorship will get worse. China’s Great Firewall got an upgrade this month, and the blockage of many popular VPNs has already begun to affect businesses. There’s no reason to expect that will get any better in the new year, with government mouthpiece the People’s Daily calling for stricter internet regulation and reports suggesting the government may implement mandatory real-name registration for anyone who wants to get on the internet at all. All indications are that next year, China’s internet is going to be less free than ever before.

Social media censorship will get worse. Sina Weibo had a pretty ridiculous year when it comes to censorship, but with the new 7-day search delay and rumors of a new, more thorough real-name system don’t make the future sound all that bright. But the bad news isn’t just limited to Weibo; we have seen indications that the government is concerned about newcomer WeChat — even as it uses the service to track dissidents — so expect that to get a censorship smackdown in the coming year, too.

The mobile market will be restricted. One of China’s tech regulatory bodies, MIIT, is planning to reach its cold, bony hands into the world of mobile app development and sales. Exactly how that will turn out isn’t yet clear, but MIIT’s regulatory processes are the reason an iPhone takes an extra three months to come out in China. App developers are understandably concerned that they’re going to be slowed down — which can be a death sentence in the fast-paced mobile ecosystem — or censored, or very possibly both. Whatever happens with this round of regulation, I would guess that this won’t be the only time we see MIIT interfering in the mobile space in 2013.

More state control is coming, or at least is planned. While the government has been pushing state-owned companies to operate like real companies and try to actually make money rather, it hasn’t gone to much effort to support domestic innovators in the private sector. For example, SARFT (China’s fun police and film censorship bureau) recently smacked-down Chinese startup Xiaomi’s attempts to get into the TV game, and it has also established a state-run subsidiary company that it hopes will control the domestic internet, mobile, and television industries.

All of this is bad for business. In addition to just being off-putting and restrictive, almost all of this is bad for business and development. China’s internet is increasingly isolated from the rest of the world’s, which stifles domestic innovation and discourages foreign investment. And China’s restrictive policies, coupled with the unethical behavior of some high-profile Chinese tech companies, have helped ensure that it is tougher than ever for Chinese tech companies to expand overseas.

Now, are there some signs of good things, too? Of course. Smartphone and broadband penetration are up and will likely continue climbing rapidly throughout next year. Internet speeds are getting faster, and we might even see China’s first 4G network in 2013 (but probably not). Still, though, speed and access are less meaningful when the number of things you can actually do on China’s internet seems to be dwindling by the day.

I think 2013 will be the worst year ever for the web/tech industry in China. Here’s hoping that I’m really, really wrong.

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Tags: 2012 in review, 2013, censorship, China, predictions

About C. Custer

C. Custer is the founder and editor of ChinaGeeks.org. He also is a documentary filmmaker, and a freelance writer, reporter, translator, and video producer on all things China. You can follow him on Twitter as @ChinaGeeks

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The Cat and Mouse Game cont. - Apple adopted https in App Store. China threatens to censor apps. | GreatFire.org

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The Cat and Mouse Game cont. - Apple adopted https in App Store. China threatens to censor apps. | GreatFire.org

Clipped from: https://en.greatfire.org/blog/2012/dec/apple-adopted-https-app-store-china-threatens-censor-apps?utm_source=Sinocism+Newsletter&utm_campaign=d7cb6fd453-The_Sinocism_China_Newsletter_For_12_21_2012&utm_medium=email

GreatFire.org

Apple adopted https in App Store. China threatens to censor apps.

Submitted by percy on Thu, Dec 20, 2012

Recently, China threatens to require every app to have a license in order to go on sale, as reported by New York times. The time is too coincidental as Apple adopted https on iTunes for searching and downloading Apps. 

Before this adoption, searching for certain keywords such as "vpn" would lead to a connection reset on iTunes and visiting the page for certain Apps, such as VPN Express would also cause a reset, which means there is no way for users in China to search for or download certain Apps even if they are available in China App Store.  

But because now https is implemented by Apple on almost all connection to iTunes server, Great Firewall of China has no way to selectively block connection to certain contents. A test to the same link mentioned above with https  protocol yields no censorship.

This change provides a commercial platform in China(China App Store uses CNY for payment) not subject to the arbitrary censorship of the government. For example, opendoor an app dedicated to circumventing the Internet is on sale on China App Store and users are willing to pay to remove ads in the app. Any other trading platform, such as Taobao(Chinese version of ebay) is actively censoring Internet Circumvention tools and selling anti-censorship tools there is not possible.

Therefore, it is highly likely that the government have noticed this loophole in its censorship net, and is now trying to close it.

.

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The Freedom of an Armed Society - An armed society is the opposite of a civil society.

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The Freedom of an Armed Society - NYTimes.com

Clipped from: http://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/12/16/the-freedom-of-an-armed-society/?src=me&ref=general
The Stone December 16, 2012, 1:00 pm776 Comments

The Freedom of an Armed Society

By FIRMIN DEBRABANDER

 

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In the wake of the school massacre in Newtown, Conn., and the resulting renewed debate on gun control in the United States, The Stone will publish a series of essays this week that examine the ethical, social and humanitarian implications of the use, possession and regulation of weapons.

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The night of the shootings at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Conn., I was in the car with my wife and children, working out details for our eldest son’s 12th birthday the following Sunday — convening a group of friends at a showing of the film  “The Hobbit.” The memory of the Aurora movie theatre massacre was fresh in his mind, so he was concerned that it not be a late night showing. At that moment, like so many families, my wife and I were weighing whether to turn on the radio and expose our children to coverage of the school shootings in Connecticut. We did. The car was silent in the face of the flood of gory details. When the story was over, there was a long thoughtful pause in the back of the car. Then my eldest son asked if he could be homeschooled.

An armed society is the opposite of a civil society.

 

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That incident brought home to me what I have always suspected, but found difficult to articulate: an armed society — especially as we prosecute it at the moment in this country — is the opposite of a civil society.

The Newtown shootings occurred at a peculiar time in gun rights history in this nation. On one hand, since the mid 1970s, fewer households each year on average have had a gun. Gun control advocates should be cheered by that news, but it is eclipsed by a flurry of contrary developments. As has been well publicized, gun sales have steadily risen over the past few years, and spiked with each of Obama’s election victories.

Furthermore, of the weapons that proliferate amongst the armed public, an increasing number are high caliber weapons (the weapon of choice in the goriest shootings in recent years). Then there is the legal landscape, which looks bleak for the gun control crowd.

Every state except for Illinois has a law allowing the carrying of concealed weapons — and just last week, a federal court struck down Illinois’ ban. States are now lining up to allow guns on college campuses. In September, Colorado joined four other states in such a move, and statehouses across the country are preparing similar legislation. And of course, there was Oklahoma’s ominous Open Carry Law approved by voters this election day — the fifteenth of its kind, in fact — which, as the name suggests, allows those with a special permit to carry weapons in the open, with a holster on their hip.

Individual gun ownership — and gun violence — has long been a distinctive feature of American society, setting us apart from the other industrialized democracies of the world. Recent legislative developments, however, are progressively bringing guns out of the private domain, with the ultimate aim of enshrining them in public life. Indeed, the N.R.A. strives for a day when the open carry of powerful weapons might be normal, a fixture even, of any visit to the coffee shop or grocery store — or classroom.

As N.R.A. president Wayne LaPierre expressed in a recent statement on the organization’s Web site, more guns equal more safety, by their account. A favorite gun rights saying is “an armed society is a polite society.” If we allow ever more people to be armed, at any time, in any place, this will provide a powerful deterrent to potential criminals. Or if more citizens were armed — like principals and teachers in the classroom, for example — they could halt senseless shootings ahead of time, or at least early on, and save society a lot of heartache and bloodshed.

As ever more people are armed in public, however — even brandishing weapons on the street — this is no longer recognizable as a civil society. Freedom is vanished at that point.

And yet, gun rights advocates famously maintain that individual gun ownership, even of high caliber weapons, is the defining mark of our freedom as such, and the ultimate guarantee of our enduring liberty. Deeper reflection on their argument exposes basic fallacies.

Related
More From The Stone

Read previous contributions to this series.

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In her book “The Human Condition,” the philosopher Hannah Arendt states that “violence is mute.” According to Arendt, speech dominates and distinguishes the polis, the highest form of human association, which is devoted to the freedom and equality of its component members. Violence — and the threat of it — is a pre-political manner of communication and control, characteristic of undemocratic organizations and hierarchical relationships. For the ancient Athenians who practiced an incipient, albeit limited form of democracy (one that we surely aim to surpass), violence was characteristic of the master-slave relationship, not that of free citizens.

Liberty entails precisely the freedom to offend. A gun in every pocket would stifle that.

 

 

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Arendt offers two points that are salient to our thinking about guns: for one, they insert a hierarchy of some kind, but fundamental nonetheless, and thereby undermine equality. But furthermore, guns pose a monumental challenge to freedom, and particular, the liberty that is the hallmark of any democracy worthy of the name — that is, freedom of speech. Guns do communicate, after all, but in a way that is contrary to free speech aspirations: for, guns chasten speech.

This becomes clear if only you pry a little more deeply into the N.R.A.’s logic behind an armed society. An armed society is polite, by their thinking, precisely because guns would compel everyone to tamp down eccentric behavior, and refrain from actions that might seem threatening. The suggestion is that guns liberally interspersed throughout society would cause us all to walk gingerly — not make any sudden, unexpected moves — and watch what we say, how we act, whom we might offend.

As our Constitution provides, however, liberty entails precisely the freedom to be reckless, within limits, also the freedom to insult and offend as the case may be. The Supreme Court has repeatedly upheld our right to experiment in offensive language and ideas, and in some cases, offensive action and speech. Such experimentation is inherent to our freedom as such. But guns by their nature do not mix with this experiment — they don’t mix with taking offense. They are combustible ingredients in assembly and speech.

I often think of the armed protestor who showed up to one of the famously raucous town hall hearings on Obamacare in the summer of 2009. The media was very worked up over this man, who bore a sign that invoked a famous quote of Thomas Jefferson, accusing the president of tyranny. But no one engaged him at the protest; no one dared approach him even, for discussion or debate — though this was a town hall meeting, intended for just such purposes. Such is the effect of guns on speech — and assembly. Like it or not, they transform the bearer, and end the conversation in some fundamental way. They announce that the conversation is not completely unbounded, unfettered and free; there is or can be a limit to negotiation and debate — definitively.

The very power and possibility of free speech and assembly rests on their non-violence. The power of the Occupy Wall Street movement, as well as the Arab Spring protests, stemmed precisely from their non-violent nature. This power was made evident by the ferocity of government response to the Occupy movement. Occupy protestors across the country were increasingly confronted by police in military style garb and affect.

Imagine what this would have looked like had the protestors been armed: in the face of the New York Police Department assault on Zuccotti Park, there might have been armed insurrection in the streets. The non-violent nature of protest in this country ensures that it can occur.

Gun rights advocates also argue that guns provide the ultimate insurance of our freedom, in so far as they are the final deterrent against encroaching centralized government, and an executive branch run amok with power. Any suggestion of limiting guns rights is greeted by ominous warnings that this is a move of expansive, would-be despotic government. It has been the means by which gun rights advocates withstand even the most seemingly rational gun control measures. An assault weapons ban, smaller ammunition clips for guns, longer background checks on gun purchases — these are all measures centralized government wants, they claim, in order to exert control over us, and ultimately impose its arbitrary will. I have often suspected, however, that contrary to holding centralized authority in check, broad individual gun ownership gives the powers-that-be exactly what they want.

After all, a population of privately armed citizens is one that is increasingly fragmented, and vulnerable as a result. Private gun ownership invites retreat into extreme individualism — I heard numerous calls for homeschooling in the wake of the Newtown shootings — and nourishes the illusion that I can be my own police, or military, as the case may be. The N.R.A. would have each of us steeled for impending government aggression, but it goes without saying that individually armed citizens are no match for government force. The N.R.A. argues against that interpretation of the Second Amendment that privileges armed militias over individuals, and yet it seems clear that armed militias, at least in theory, would provide a superior check on autocratic government.

As Michel Foucault pointed out in his detailed study of the mechanisms of power, nothing suits power so well as extreme individualism. In fact, he explains, political and corporate interests aim at nothing less than “individualization,” since it is far easier to manipulate a collection of discrete and increasingly independent individuals than a community. Guns undermine just that — community. Their pervasive, open presence would sow apprehension, suspicion, mistrust and fear, all emotions that are corrosive of community and civic cooperation. To that extent, then, guns give license to autocratic government.

Our gun culture promotes a fatal slide into extreme individualism. It fosters a society of atomistic individuals, isolated before power — and one another — and in the aftermath of shootings such as at Newtown, paralyzed with fear. That is not freedom, but quite its opposite. And as the Occupy movement makes clear, also the demonstrators that precipitated regime change in Egypt and Myanmar last year, assembled masses don’t require guns to exercise and secure their freedom, and wield world-changing political force. Arendt and Foucault reveal that power does not lie in armed individuals, but in assembly — and everything conducive to that.


Firmin DeBrabander is an associate professor of philosophy at the Maryland Institute College of Art, Baltimore and the author of “Spinoza and the Stoics.”

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Foreign-run VPNs illegal in China: govt - Globaltimes.cn

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Foreign-run VPNs illegal in China: govt - Globaltimes.cn

Clipped from: http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/750158.shtml?utm_source=Sinocism+Newsletter&utm_campaign=9b70772c8b-The_Sinocism_China_Newsletter_For_12_15_2012&utm_medium=email

Residents in China have found logging into their Facebook and Twitter accounts increasingly difficult in recent days, after several popular VPN (virtual private network) companies have alleged that China's Great Firewall (GFW) has been upgraded. However, officials and experts in China's Internet industry have said that it is illegal for foreign companies to operate a VPN business in China.

Three overseas VPN service providers, Astrill, Witopia and StrongVPN apologized Thursday that their service to residents in the Chinese mainland has been blocked due to a recent upgrade of the GFW. Astrill claimed that most VPN protocols have been blocked,  and that many foreign companies have been influenced.

Fang Binxing, designer of the GFW, told the Global Times Thursday he did not know of any upgrade to the firewall. 

"As far as I know, companies running a VPN business in China must register with the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology. I haven't heard that any foreign companies have registered," Fang said.

Unregistered VPN service providers are not protected by Chinese laws, and any company running a VPN business should realize they have a responsibility to register, he said.

An employee from the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology, surnamed Li, also confirmed that only Chinese companies and Sino-foreign joint ventures can apply to establish a VPN business.

While most VPN users in China only use a VPN to access certain websites, some multinational companies also use it to conduct business operations.

An executive at a large foreign technology multinational corporation in China, who is also a VPN user, told the Global Times most people can survive without Facebook, but lacking a VPN could seriously influence business operations.

"You can't block all VPNs without blocking businesses, including Chinese businesses. China wants businesses to put regional headquarters in China. It has these economic and business goals that are reliant on modern business infrastructure," said the executive.

Li suggested that multinational corporations should cooperate with local companies to build up their VPN networks to complete their own global communication networks.

"These companies should follow Chinese laws and find licensed local companies to establish their Chinese VPN networks," she said.

Martin Johnson, founder of GreatFire.org, a website which monitors the Internet in China, told the Global Times Thursday that  there are still ways for Web users to access their favorite websites.

"Even if VPNs are blocked, foreigners and Chinese citizens can still use a range of tools to get around this," he said. 

Stating the Obvious - Eight Ways to Fail in China - Advertising @ chinaSMACK

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Here’s a Thought - Eight Ways to Fail in China - Advertising @ chinaSMACK

Clipped from: http://advertising.chinasmack.com/2012/heres-a-thought-eight-ways-to-fail-in-china.html

Type ”Business in China” into Google and it pulls up a whopping 3,254,750,000 entries; the same search on Amazon returns 48,244 products. We can safely assume that doing business in China is important for every company today.

China’s is now the second biggest economy in the world  – it’s been growing by an average of 10% over the past 30 years  – and this blooming market shows no signs of slowing down any time soon.

But it’s also a market with a unique history, culture and political system – a combination that presents very specific challenges to global brands entering the market in the hopes of reaching 1.3 billion potential consumers.

At DDB,  we’ve uncovered a unique set of barriers and drivers to doing business. Here are our eight fool-proof ways to fail in China.


1. Fully rely on your global experience

Most global brands operate in Western, mature markets that demand similar approaches to marketing communications. Consumers’ cultural background and market situations may vary and marketing is similar from Boston to Berlin.

But China is still in a class of its own – it can annihilate global experience and render it useless. Talent is a rarity; Local talent knows the market inside-out, but usually has little much experience of working in a global context. Foreign talent is experienced on a global scale, but lacks the in-depth understanding of the Chinese market.


2. Be ultra-strict on global brand guidelines

Consistency is key for a global brand, but staying true to the same values and attributes, regardless of where and who you are selling will not reap the benefits in China. The language and culture here makes it imperative for global brands to be relevant, and understood.

French hypermarket chain Carrefour got it right. The Chinese expression is “Jia Le Fu” – which loosely translates into “House of Happy Family/Home of Happiness & prosperity”. It’s a huge success throughout China.


3. Compete on price

China is a country where a worker from a rural area earns US$200 a month – brands need to be able to reach the top and the bottom of the pyramid.

A myriad of local Chinese suppliers manufacture inexpensive products with similar functionalities to global players. Not only cheaper, quicker, and better quality, but they are available everywhere. Distribution is key and if you cannot go there, eCommerce can.


4. China is China

There is more to China than the big cities like Tier 1 cities like Shanghai or Beijing. Nanning or Ningbo may be similar in terms of population size, but consumers in lower tier cities think, behave and consume differently from their counterparts.

Values, media consumption, purchasing criteria and trigger points are completely different. Careful planning of paths of purchases and matching marketing communications is vital.


5. All consumers are the same

The thought is as understandable as it is tempting: getting through to basic emotions can be key to marketing communication success. Chinese consumers can decode messages in a different way than most. The triggers can be completely different and surprising.


6. When in doubt, be loud

In some categories, the market leader benefits from significant media investment. Astrategy to outspend competition results in a significant stab at profitability.

For an established brand like McDonald’s, Social Creativity campaigns have helped drive creative effectiveness and create the ShareValue than traditional media may not. See the case study on www.ddbchina.com/mcwings


7. You cracked Social Media already

Due to its unique culture, history and political system, the Digital landscape in China is vastly different to any other place in the world. The usual suspects are blocked and China has its own successful local social platforms; RenRen (Facebook), YouKu (YouTube) and Weibo (Twitter) are more superior in their usability and functionalities. In China, the speed of information and impact is much higher than in the West.


8. Be hasty, be greedy

China is very tempting. A country running on rocket-fuel, an entire middle-class emerging with new needs for new products. Many companies entering the market cannot wait to get things started fast in order to stake claims early.

From a Chinese perspective, global brand value is only one side of the coin: potential demand and sales are the others. Regardless of which Chinese province you want presence in: take your time and make concessions.


To view the full report follow the link

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Shanghai car license plate costs on the rise |Nation and Digest |chinadaily.com.cn

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Shanghai car license plate costs on the rise |Nation and Digest |chinadaily.com.cn

Clipped from: http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/cndy/2012-12/17/content_16022054.htm

Shanghai car license plate costs on the rise

Updated: 2012-12-17 07:48
By Xu Junqian in Shanghai ( China Daily)

Strong demand among urbanites and regulations to ease congestion drive up prices

Getting a car license plate in Shanghai costs almost as much as buying an economy family car, and industry insiders predict prices will continue to rise.

The city's monthly number plate auction on Saturday, saw a record-high average bid of 69,346 yuan ($11,000), up 3.58 percent from November, authorities said. The lowest transaction was 68,900 yuan, also a record.

The cost of the plate is roughly the same as the cost of a Yaris, one of Toyota best-selling family cars.

Winning bids in January's auction were about 53,195 yuan, a sum that has climbed throughout the year, with the exception of a slight drop in June and July.

A strong demand among urbanites to own a car, and government regulations to ease traffic congestion, are believed to be the two main drivers pushing up the price of the license plates.

"It's by far the most effective congestion charge," said Feng Shiming, an automobile market analyst, as he compared traffic jams in Shanghai with other Chinese cites such as Guangzhou and Beijing.

"To ease the problem of the growing number of vehicles on the roads and the limited traveling space through price restrictions may sound unfair, but it's better than the (lottery) system in Beijing, and has been proved effective," Feng said.

Residents in Shanghai spend an average of 47 minutes commuting to work, according to the Chinese Academy of Sciences' latest China Urbanization Report.

The time is one minute less than Guangzhou and five minutes less than Beijing.

Shanghai was the first city to introduce an auction to control plate supply, while in Beijing car plates are distributed through a lottery system. Guangzhou introduced a system similar to Shanghai's earlier this year.

The car plate quota in December was 9,300, the lowest in six months, while the Shanghai Urban Construction and Communications Commission said it plans to further reduce the annual quota of car plates to below 100,000 because of the "limited traffic space downtown", convincing many that the price of car plates will continue to rise.

"Buying a car is just a matter of sooner or later," said Jiang Weichang, 60, who recently retired from a Shanghai factory. "Since the price keeps going up, it's better now than later."

Having just invested 100,000 yuan in a brand new Buick, he said he is trying to decide between a Shanghai car plate and one from a neighboring province, which could save him tens of thousands of yuan.

"I bought a new car mainly to take my wife and parents for short trips, as I have lots of time after retirement," said Jiang, who said the regulation banning car plates registered outside Shanghai on highways during rush hours will have little effect on him.

A survey by Mercer Consulting, the world's largest human resource consulting firm based in New York, found that in 2012 Shanghai topped all Chinese mainland cities in salary growth rate - 9.1 percent - while the automobile industry, among other sectors, achieved the biggest salary jump - 9.7 percent.

Jiefang Daily reported that Mercer attributed the increase to the "full-speed development" and "brisk sales" of the domestic automobile market.

xujunqian@chinadaily.com.cn

(China Daily 12/17/2012 page7)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

New twist in Beijing car plate scandal- China.org.cn

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New twist in Beijing car plate scandal- China.org.cn

Clipped from: http://www.china.org.cn/china/2012-12/08/content_27353965.htm?utm_source=Sinocism+Newsletter&utm_campaign=b302bc3aca-The_Sinocism_China_Newsletter_For_12_14_2012&utm_medium=email

You are here: Home > China > Nation

New twist in Beijing car plate scandal

2 Comment(E-mail Shanghai Daily, December 8, 2012
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In the latest twist to the ongoing controversy over Beijing's car plate scandal, it has emerged that it is the son of the capital's traffic management chief that embroiled his father in the wrongdoing.

 


 

Media reports on Thursday accused Song Jianguo, the director of Beijing Traffic Management Bureau, of corruption over car plate lottery, prompting Beijing police to deny the allegation.

But it turns out Song's son and secretary are the errant duo who sold plates to frustrated car buyers for as much as 200,000 yuan (US$32,100) each, the Chongqing Morning Post reported yesterday, without identifying them.

Officials from the bureau and a car industry insider confirmed that Song assisted in the official probe into his son's illegal activities, the report said.

The bureau issues around 20,000 plates every month through a lottery system but there are more than a million applicants every month.

A record 1.26 million Beijing residents applied for car tags last month. Song's son and secretary reportedly cashed in over the soaring demand by scalping the car plates.

A Beijing car dealer, who declined to be identified, said the pair's connections with the authorities greatly facilitated the practice. "Under the strict quota, only those have close connections with authorities can engage in the business," he added.

Another insider told the paper that Song's son might be in possession of some plate numbers with in-demand prefixes like Jing A or other lucky numbers. They sell for a bigger price. Jing is a shortened name for Beijing.

The paper claimed a deputy director with the Beijing Vehicle Management Administration is also being investigated in the scandal.

The scam first came to light when someone by the name of Liu Xuemei won the lottery for seven straight months. Netizens smelled a rat and discovered that Liu, who is in her 30s, is the deputy director of the vehicle management department in the Ministry of Public Security. She is in charge of drafting rules and issuing vehicle licenses.

But Liu and Beijing Transportation Commission have denied any wrongdoing or malpractices. The commission claimed it was likely that all the winners happened to have the same name.

 

 

Go to Forum >>2 Comment(s)

  fdawei

2012-12-14 12:01

Send the son to the prison where the plates are made. He can then understand the business first-hand from the ground up.

  min

2012-12-09 10:35

time for the people to rise up and start a new revolution to rebuilt the country

    In China, Car Brands Evoke an Unexpected Set of Stereotypes - NYTimes.com

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    In China, Car Brands Evoke an Unexpected Set of Stereotypes - NYTimes.com

    In China, Car Brands Evoke an Unexpected Set of Stereotypes

    In Shanghai, two Audis, the car of elite Chinese bureaucrats. "It's always best to yield to an Audi," says Wang Zhi, a taxi driver.

    A black Audi passing by the Great Hall of the People, a government building, in Beijing.


    A Mercedes-Benz showroom in Shanghai. The cliché in China is that retirees drive Mercedes.

    A Buick minivan on display in Shanghai. Last year, Buick sold over 550,000 cars in China.

    A Buick display at the Shanghai auto show.

    BEIJING — Cars in the United States tend to come fully equipped with stereotypes. Ford Crown Victoria: law enforcement professional. Toyota Prius: upscale yuppie environmentalist. Hummer: gas-guzzling egotist.

    In China, where the market for imported passenger cars dates back only about three decades, an entirely alternate set of stereotypes is taking root — and the stakes have never been higher for foreign carmakers.

    Take, for example, Mercedes-Benz, a brand that in much of the world suggests moneyed respectability. In China, many people think Mercedes-Benz is the domain of the retiree.

    The Buick, long associated in the United States with drivers who have a soft spot for the early-bird special, is by contrast one of the hottest luxury cars in China.

    But no vehicle in China has developed as ironclad a reputation as the Audi A6, the semiofficial choice of Chinese bureaucrats. From the country’s southern reaches to its northern capital, the A6’s slick frame and invariably tinted windows exude an aura of state privilege, authority and, to many ordinary citizens, a whiff of corruption.

    “Audi is still the de facto car for government officials,” said Wang Zhi, a Beijing taxi driver who has been plying the capital’s gridlocked streets for 18 years. “It’s always best to yield to an Audi — you never know who you’re messing with, but chances are it’s someone self-important.”

    With annual growth hovering above 30 percent in recent years, the Chinese auto market is rapidly surpassing the United States’ as the world’s most lucrative and strategically important. Last year alone, the Chinese bought an estimated 13.8 million passenger vehicles, handily topping the 11.6 million units sold in the United States. Foreign-origin brands, most of which are manufactured in China through joint ventures, accounted for 64 percent of total sales in 2010, according to the China Association of Automobile Manufacturers.

    Even if Chinese brand associations can seem remote and perhaps amusing to those outside the country, Zhang Yu, managing director of Automotive Foresight, a Shanghai industry consultancy, says they will prove decisive to sales in coming decades. “China is already the largest automobile market in the world. No car company can afford to overlook its Chinese brand,” he said.

    The lower rungs of the Chinese market are still dominated by domestic brands like Chery, whose name and numerous models suggest more than a passing resemblance to Chevy. The affluent, however, are flocking to an increasingly diverse array of foreign luxury offerings. The rapid market expansion has presented some foreign carmakers with a chance for brand reinvention, while posing public relations challenges to others.

    “Because the market is so young, brand perceptions and a car’s face” — an idiom meaning prestige or repute — “are both critical,” said Mr. Zhang, pointing out that 80 percent of car purchases are made by first-time buyers.

    Audi’s party technocrat associations are a result partly of the car’s early market entry and its longstanding place on the government’s coveted purchasing list. Audi, the German automaker, gained access to the Chinese market in 1988 when its owner, Volkswagen, struck a joint venture with Yiqi, a Chinese carmaker. By contrast, BMW’s first domestic factory opened in 2003, giving Audi 15 years to establish itself as the premier vehicle for China’s elite.

    This early advantage has helped Audi to dominate China’s lucrative government-car market, with 20 percent of its China revenue in 2009 drawn directly from government sales. Each year, the Procurement Center of the Central People’s Government releases a list of the cars and models acceptable for government purchase. While the A6 has long been a mainstay on the list, which had 38 brands in 2010, BMW made the cut only in 2009.

    “When people see government officials in BMWs, they automatically suspect corruption or malfeasance — but Audis are to be expected,” said Jessica Wu, a public relations professional with almost a decade of experience in the Chinese car industry. A basic model Audi A6 costs 355,000 renminbi, or $56,000, while the BMW 5 series Li costs about 428,000 renminbi, or $67,520.

    Such market positioning has brought significant financial results for Audi — in 2010, the company sold 227,938 vehicles in China, more than double the number in the United States.

    The Munich-based automaker BMW, on the other hand, has found itself in a contrary position. Since entering the Chinese market, BMW has acquired a reputation as a vehicle for the arrogant and the rash, making it largely off-limits to wealthy officials who prefer a low-key public image.

    Part of this stereotype is rooted in a 2003 incident in which a young female driver in the northeastern city of Harbin intentionally ran over and killed an impoverished man who had accidentally dented her BMW X5. Despite the transparent nature of the case — a clear motive and numerous eyewitnesses — the case was settled out of court for $11,000. The incident was seen as driving a wedge between China’s rich and poor, damaging BMW’s nascent image.

    More recently, a driver in a BMW M6 struck and killed a pedestrian in May during an illegal street race in the city of Nanjing, setting off a public outcry.

    “If it hadn’t been a BMW, I don’t think it would have been as big of a deal,” said a young man who had taken part in the race and spoke on the condition of anonymity because he was awaiting trial. “Had it been all Toyotas, Mitsubishis or even Audis, I don’t think it would have provoked as dire a reaction.”

    Despite such public relations travails, BMW has posted strong sales in China, selling 121,614 units in the first two quarters of 2011, or 27 percent of the company’s total sales during that period.

    The American carmaker General Motors has found the Chinese market to be a life-saving opportunity for the reinvention of the Buick brand. Since 2005, when Bob Lutz, the vice chairman of G.M., famously declared Buick a “damaged brand,” America’s oldest surviving automobile make has successfully positioned itself in China as a top-tier luxury carmaker.

    Largely the result of effective marketing and remodeling, China’s romance with the Buick also has historical roots. The last Chinese emperor, Pu Yi, was the proud owner of two Buicks, as was the country’s first provisional president, Dr. Sun Yat-sen. The black Buick 8 driven by a onetime premier, Zhou Enlai, is still displayed at his former residence in Shanghai, now a museum.

    In 2010, Buick sold over 550,000 cars in China, more than triple its sales in the United States.

    “We joke that our market revived Buick from the dead — it’s only partly a joke,” said Liu Wen, a reporter for China Auto News.

    On Sina Weibo, the country’s most popular microblogging service, a recent posting tried to sum up the car clichés. “A gathering of Mercedes indicates a get-together for old folks,” the writer said. “A group of BMWs means young nouveaux riches are about to run someone over and have a party; several Audis, and you know it’s a government meeting.”

    -- 
    faubelster
    Sent with Sparrow

    China and cars: a love story

     Friday 14 December 2012 23.00 GMT

    China and cars: a love story

    China is now the world's biggest market for new cars. Its motorway network will soon rival America's. But while the rich splash out on Porsches and Ferraris, resentment is growing among the have-nots

    Driving force: a luxury car parked in front of the Great Hall of the People in Beijing. Photograph: Stephen Shaver/EPA/AFP

     

    It is half a century since Zhang Jing's father impressed the neighbours with a mark of his family's rising fortunes. He was the first in the village to acquire a bicycle; like Ford's Model T, the Forever came in any colour you liked, as long as it was black. Though America was deep in the golden age of the automobile, those days lay so far ahead for China that small boys would loiter on street corners in Beijing, waiting until a car drove by and the exotic tang of petrol fumes filled their nostrils. Even by the early 1980s, glimpses of imported Soviet Ladas or stately Chinese Red Flag saloons were rare outside the capital.

    "We never dreamed we would have a chance to have our own car… and not only one," Zhang's husband, Wang Junfang, says.

    China's love affair with cars began late, but it has more than made up for the delay. In 2000 there were 4m cars for the 1.3bn population and experts predicted that the number would be six times higher by the end of the decade. Instead, it soared 20-fold. Two years ago, the country became the world's largest new car market. This year, it should see about 18m sales, against 14.5m in the US. The kingdom of bicycles is now the land of the car.

    Michael Dunne, whose firm Dunne & Company advises on investments in the Asian automobile industry, calls it car culture with Chinese characteristics. People are looking for freedom and convenience, but "it's different from the US experience – open highways, rolling down your windows, putting music on," he says. "In China, it's more about social status: look at me, look at my new car. It's much more about the thrill you get from pulling up in front of your hotel or golf club or workplace and being seen and recognised."

    Zhang and her husband – a fresh-faced, sporty couple in their early 30s – have already added a Peugot 206 to their 4x4 Subaru Forester. "Families want different cars for different uses," she explains. "One for daily use, one for weekends." The bigger Subaru is ideal for getting out of the city so that Wang can fish or the pair can ride their bikes together, they say. The Peugeot is fine, too, and only a few years old. But they like the idea of getting something newer and hipper, so they have come to a Mini showroom. The Mini "looks very cool and quite British, and this brand has been bought by BMW, so we trust its quality," Wang says. "And, of course, we like the personalisation aspect. We want to add stripes after we buy it, and colourful paintwork."

    They have plenty of choice as they stroll through the vast new Mini emporium in west Beijing. The store spans 9,000 square metres across two floors, with espresso points and a miniature Zen garden. There's a pool table beneath the scrawled command BE SEXY – BE MINI and giant copies of Andy Warhol's Marilyn and Mao portraits lean against a wall. Around the floor, potential buyers settle into the seats of Coopers and Countrymen, while returning owners ponder new ways to distinguish their cars. One motorist shows off the chequerboard roof, racing stripes and new wing-mirror covers that he's added; he is disappointed that there is, as yet, no checked glove compartment cover for his model.

    At 220,000 to 400,000 yuan – £22,000 to £40,000 – the cars are a hefty investment in a city where last year the average income was about 33,000 yuan. Wang and Zhang are teachers, but still live with his parents and have had a little help from relatives. Being a two-car couple seems natural to them.

    In fact, the Mini showroom looks restrained in a land that boasts almost a million dollar-millionaires. Gleaming Lamborghinis, Tramontanas and Porsches park in front of malls or screech along expressways in late-night races, prompting admiration, envy and resentment, but little surprise these days. Sky-high taxes on high-end imports have proved little deterrent; the Maserati Quattroporte, at upwards of 2.2m yuan, is the vehicle of choice for ladies who lunch.

    Last month, 130 Ferraris, mostly as red as the Chinese flag, paraded through the streets of Guangzhou in a celebration of the brand's 20 years in the country. When Rolls-Royce launched a $1.2m Year of the Dragon edition of its Phantom, with the creature hand-painted on its wheelbase and hand-stitched on to cushions, all eight sold in two months.

    Car firms throughout the price spectrum have come to depend on Chinese buyers. "There is no way to overstate how much foreign companies have become reliant on sustaining success in the Chinese market," says Dunne, who is also author of American Wheels, Chinese Roads: The Story Of General Motors In China. "For GM, Hyundai, Nissan, Volkswagen, Audi, it's already the number one car market in the world. Take China out of their portfolio and their fortunes would reverse."

    Some believe that the US – the land of Route 66, T-Birds and American Graffiti – has reached "peak car"; the number of miles driven per person has fallen in recent years. But no one doubts that plenty of room remains in the world's second largest economy, even as its GDP growth cools. In the US, there are around 600 cars per 1,000 people, against a global average of 135, according to the Economist Intelligence Unit. In China? Just 44.

    When a report from the management consultants McKinsey warned of slowing growth in the car market in China, it was predicting an 8% annual increase in the near future. That may be a substantial fall from the 24% of recent years – but given the size of the existing market, it should not prove too painful for car firms.

     


     Star car: workers polish up a Rolls-Royce outside a petrol station in Beijing. Photograph: Chien-Min Chung/Polaris/Eyevine

    The government has encouraged car sales as part of the Chinese dream. "The Chinese customer really wants a better life," says Arthur Wang, of McKinsey's Shanghai office, "and when they consider that, they have a house, they have a car." Officials are thinking about the economic benefits. Car manufacturing has a powerful multiplier effect compared with other sectors, fuelling steel production and other industries and, at the other end of the chain, a growing number of dealerships.

    Meanwhile, officials have used infrastructure construction to shore up GDP figures and promote development across the country. If Beijing's six ring roads are striking, the national network's expansion is more so. In 2000, there were 16,000km (11,000 miles) of expressway, according to state media; by 2009 that had reached 65,000 and by 2020 there will be 100,000km, roughly similar to the US.

    But, Dunne notes, there is now "a bit of a political dilemma" for the government. "It really likes the fact that 95% of cars on the road are built here, thanks to very high tariffs on imported cars. It means investment in factories, jobs, tax revenues. On the other hand, [it is] suddenly confronted with the potential risks to national security in that it is more than ever reliant on imported oil. How do you feed this monster? And the environment is incredibly important, especially to younger Chinese. The government is saying it will tolerate the problems because it wants the motor industry. But it's not an open-and-shut case. They are saying: we have to manage this, because it's big and it could get out of hand."

    China is roughly the same size as the US, but its population is four times bigger, and the downsides of car growth are already obvious. In 2011 alone, 62,387 people were killed on the roads, according to the police. Although those figures show the toll declining from a peak in 2002, other researchers question the data and the downwards trend. In 2007, they point out, police recorded 81,649 deaths on the roads, whereas death registrations suggested that crashes killed 221,135.

    Cars have also come to symbolise what is worst, as well as best, about the country's breakneck development. For China it is a love-hate relationship, with an ambivalence apparently lacking in America's automobile addiction. Cars have become inextricably associated with corruption and the abuse of power; greed and materialism; environmental devastation; perhaps, above all, the growing gulf between the rich and the rest. Anger erupts when wealthy boy racers mow down less privileged pedestrians. Gossip is rife about luxury models registered to official work units or driven by cadres' relatives. Many believe that a leading politician's hopes of promotion were destroyed this year when his son was involved in a fatal Ferrari accident. When I passed a luxury car crash in Beijing this spring, an old man who had stopped to stare muttered, "It would be better if rich people just died."

    Regular motorists moan about the arrogance and bullying behaviour of those in more expensive cars, especially those with official plates. (Not all of these may be genuine: past crackdowns have netted vast numbers of fake military registrations.) People may not care about their own contribution to greenhouse gas emissions, and the effect of rising temperatures and sea levels, as policy-makers do. But they notice when their children choke on smog and they grumble when they inch along because their route to work is clogged by other motorists. When the media group Bloomberg held a race across the capital last month, a bicycle reached the finish line in half an hour – 22 minutes quicker than the Porsche.

    Even two-car households often spurn the western one-vehicle-one-user model on practical grounds, as Zhang explains. "The traffic is so bad, we drive one car and he will drop me off halfway so I can get the subway," she says. "It's more efficient than taking two cars to work."

    The problems are becoming so bad that Beijing has banned motorists from driving one day a week and limited new car registrations through a lottery system. In 2010, some 790,000 cars were added to the capital's roads – more than 2,000 a day. But officials say only 173,000 were added last year – the first slowdown in growth since 1984. Even that, they think, is not enough of a reduction. In October they said they would consider ordering odd- and even-numbered licence plates to drive at alternate times in specific areas. Shanghai has also taken action and Guangzhou hopes that similar measures will halve the number of new vehicles. Chongqing, a south-western metropolis, has discussed introducing a congestion charge.

    Arthur Wang of McKinsey says 15 or 20 cities are likely to reach the congestion levels that prompt such policy changes over the next five years. But most car growth is in small cities and newly urbanising areas, and he sees little prospect of national controls.

    Deborah Gordon, co-author of Two Billion Cars and an associate with the energy and climate programme at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, says Chinese authorities should seize their chance to curb car usage. Instead, they would be advised to focus on better-designed cities, improved public transport, more efficient cars and more electric or hybrid vehicles. "When economic growth was double-digit in recent years, policy-makers were having a hard time keeping up with rapid changes in motorisation," Gordon says. "They have a golden opportunity now to shape future growth without disrupting it during the economic downturn. If China grows to accommodate autos as the priority form of mobility, it will be very difficult and expensive to reverse these investments."

    On a cold late autumn afternoon, shoppers wander the rows of the Huaxiang secondhand car market in south-western Beijing. The city's air is thick with fumes. Buildings loom out of the haze and the sun glows an apocalyptic red. According to local officials, motor vehicles account for about half the capital's air pollution. Clusters of men play Chinese chess and puff on cigarettes under the pearl-coloured sky. Women stamp their feet to keep warm as they swipe at cars with miniature mops; even a boxy, retro-looking Chang'an estate shines as if fresh from the production line.

    Zhang Penghao is in search of his first car, without a great deal of enthusiasm. Despite his friendly smile, his eyes are gloomy behind his heavy glasses. "Actually, it's not worth it. There are too many cars and limited roads," the 24-year-old complains. Driving to his job at a hotel would take longer than using the subway; he will reserve the car for visiting friends in the suburbs and, more importantly, for dates. "In China, if you don't have a house or car, you can't get a wife. There's a lot of pressure." His only reason for buying a vehicle is to improve his eligibility. "If a girl can see you didn't drive to pick her up, she won't bother coming out. I don't understand why it's so important, either. It's women, or really the women's parents, who care."

    It is no coincidence that the soundbite that has come to sum up modern Chinese materialism centres on a car. When a dating show contestant rebuffed an impecunious suitor with the words, "I would rather cry in the back of a BMW than laugh on the back of a bicycle", they instantly became part of popular lore.

    Chinese motorists know they must impress, whether they are seeking partners for romance or business. Roll up in an Audi and you ensure a basic degree of respect. Arrive in a domestic Chery QQ hatchback and you are doomed before you get through a client's door. "People don't really think about whether they need a car, but feel they have to have one to show their status," Zhang's friend Zhao Cihang tells me at the Mini showroom. Until recently he edited a car website and, although he is a year younger than Zhang, already owns two BMWs, an Audi and a Honda. But, he adds, "I still think about new ones. I'd like an SUV – the biggest kind."

    SUVs are one of the fastest-growing sectors, thanks to buyers such as Zhao, who see them as smarter than saloons. But Dunne thinks there is something more to the passion for SUVs: "It's symbolic of the aspiration to project the image of a free spirit… They may not use the vehicles off-road, but they want to say: I am an explorer."

    Last year, Zhang and her husband drove to Shanghai, a journey of almost 800 miles that is more easily and comfortably covered by plane or high-speed rail. The drive was the point; though they could have afforded hotels, they slept in the Subaru overnight. They speak enviously of the motorhomes they glimpsed on a European holiday. "We hope the younger generation, our generation, can think of cars as a symbol of freedom and use them for travel, so they're not just about achievement and social status," Zhang says.

    For a handful of educated urban consumers, cars are no longer simply a sign of how much they have earned, how good their taste is or how suitable for marriage they may be. They are a hint of their inner yearnings, a sign that one day, perhaps, motoring might become embedded in China's culture as it has in the US, the other great nation of the automobile.

    Though highways stretch out across the country, there are as yet no road movies. Young men and women cruise around town, but no anthems celebrate today's Chinese equivalent of a T-bird. The Mini dealership's manager enthuses about the ability of cars to express their owner's individuality. But asked if Chinese authors or musicians might one day celebrate automobiles as Americans have, she looks bewildered. "Things like washing machines and refrigerators are part of our life in China, but we don't really have songs about them," she explains politely. "We don't think because refrigerators are popular that maybe someone has to write a book about them."

     Additional research by Cecily Huang

     

     

    http://m.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/dec/14/china-worlds-biggest-new-car-market


    Jeff Faubel Sent from my iPhone